By Aline Sara
Sixty-six percent of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon cannot meet their basic needs, and ninety-five percent of the Palestinian population has no medical insurance. Palestinians are twice as likely as their Lebanese counterparts to live in poverty, and only six percent of them hold university degrees.
The plight of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon makes for a contentious issue that has long generated debate; ones that are typically more passionate than based on valid arguments.
Rarely has there been accurate, comprehensive statistics about what most estimate at 400,000 Palestinians on Lebanese soil, until now.
For the first time in over 60 years , results of a socio-economic survey on 2,600 Palestinian refugees offers substantial figures on health, education, working and general living conditions of Palestinians both inside and out of the camps in Lebanon. Though the new data helps debunk prior conceptions and provides insight into revamping current relief efforts, most experts agree it will have little impact on the country’s policy towards Palestinians.
Speaking to a packed room last week, Professor and Economist Jad Chaaban disclosed the preliminary results of the six-month Household Poverty Assessment by the American University of Beirut (AUB) and the United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA).
Unlike previously established figures, including UNRWA’s official record of 433,000, the European-funded study found that no more than 280,000 Palestinians actually live in the country; reflecting the fact that at least one member of most families has emigrated.
Equally salient was the finding that only six percent of Palestinians hold university degrees. If able to formally work, only 5,000 to 6,000 would be qualified to work in certain high-skilled positions, noted Chaaban, the principal investigator of the study. As such, Palestinians are unlikely to take most jobs from the Lebanese, a misconception long used to support the argument against granting Palestinians the right to work. In fact, in addition to not being a threat, Palestinians can, on the contrary, occupy certain positions less appealing or adequate to Lebanese.
In addition, Palestinians are not a financial weight on the Lebanese, because education services are covered by UNRWA, said the economist, adding, “We wanted to focus on the fact that they are not a burden and that isolating Palestinians in camps is a recipe for violence […] that might lead to similar situations to [the 2007 hostilities in] Nahr al-Bared.”
As such, Chaaban told NOW Lebanon that the research, which he also considers advocacy, showed how the fears of the Lebanese were unfounded because Palestinian demographics have changed over time.
In addition, the issue is not merely about granting rights and subscribing to international treaties but about security, he added.
The investigators wanted to encourage policy makers to create evidence-based policy and provide helpful data for UNRWA and relevant funders, said the study’s project manager, Karen Seyfert.
But although representatives of the Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee, technically part of the Lebanese government, attended Tuesday’s meeting and showed interest, Syefert said she does not believe findings will have any effect at the level of state policy, and Chaaban reckoned that given the current political deadlock, he did not feel very confident either. .
The Palestinian issue remains a topic that is taboo, he said, noting a lagging problem of mutual trust, which dates back to the country’s fiery civil war.
He equally noted the importance of looking at those profiting from the situation. “Everywhere in the country, politicians use the Palestinian issue to make people afraid, […] and to increase their allegiance,” said Chaaban, blaming not only the Lebanese but the Palestinian leadership as well. “A certain passivity in dealing with camp governance, probably linked to having such a polarization in the camps, is indirectly contributing to the legitimacy of the various factions,” he said.
Indeed, according to Nadim Shehade, a fellow at the UK-based think tank Chatham House, interfactional fighting is a problem worth looking into in much more detail;“It’s no news that the situation is bad. For policy makers [and] advocates of Palestinian issues, the crucial question is what are the factors that have an impact on improving the conditions? Is it security? Further legislation? Civil rights?”
Though in a rare vote Palestinians were granted working privileges last summer, rights activists claim the fine print remains ambiguous and that obtaining a work permit is still difficult. Shehade, on the other hand, argued that, practically speaking, the law had little impact on the grounds.
Besides working rights, Palestinians remain deprived of their right to own property, and are limited in their freedom of movement. Many politicians continue to argue that giving them more civil rights could promote their naturalization and thus jeopardize their right to return.
But Seyfert feels that granting Palestinian civil rights does not preclude their desire to return to Palestine. “I think the Lebanese use this as an excuse,” she said, pointing to examples of naturalized Palestinians in Jordan who have not necessarily given up on either their desire or right to go back their homeland.
“UNRWA will continue to advocate together with our partners for the civil rights of Palestinians,” said Lebanon’s director of UNRWA affairs, Salvatore Lombardo.
He told NOW Lebanon that the scientific evidence of Palestinians’ socio economic situation will be a useful tool for advocacy with the Lebanese Government.
But the underlying feeling with regards to state policy remains skepticism. “I don’t know because too many statistics are used by different sides to prove their opinion, and each side will say they have something scientific proving their point,” said Amr Saadeddine, who participated in the research. “Though I consider the research significant, the issue is not statistics, it is how each will use them,” he said, adding that it all boils down to intention.
“Because science has legitimacy, each will hide behind the scientific studies [of their choice].” he said; “Everyone has their own agenda.”
Sixty-six percent of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon cannot meet their basic needs, and ninety-five percent of the Palestinian population has no medical insurance. Palestinians are twice as likely as their Lebanese counterparts to live in poverty, and only six percent of them hold university degrees.
The plight of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon makes for a contentious issue that has long generated debate; ones that are typically more passionate than based on valid arguments.
Rarely has there been accurate, comprehensive statistics about what most estimate at 400,000 Palestinians on Lebanese soil, until now.
For the first time in over 60 years , results of a socio-economic survey on 2,600 Palestinian refugees offers substantial figures on health, education, working and general living conditions of Palestinians both inside and out of the camps in Lebanon. Though the new data helps debunk prior conceptions and provides insight into revamping current relief efforts, most experts agree it will have little impact on the country’s policy towards Palestinians.
Speaking to a packed room last week, Professor and Economist Jad Chaaban disclosed the preliminary results of the six-month Household Poverty Assessment by the American University of Beirut (AUB) and the United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA).
Unlike previously established figures, including UNRWA’s official record of 433,000, the European-funded study found that no more than 280,000 Palestinians actually live in the country; reflecting the fact that at least one member of most families has emigrated.
Equally salient was the finding that only six percent of Palestinians hold university degrees. If able to formally work, only 5,000 to 6,000 would be qualified to work in certain high-skilled positions, noted Chaaban, the principal investigator of the study. As such, Palestinians are unlikely to take most jobs from the Lebanese, a misconception long used to support the argument against granting Palestinians the right to work. In fact, in addition to not being a threat, Palestinians can, on the contrary, occupy certain positions less appealing or adequate to Lebanese.
In addition, Palestinians are not a financial weight on the Lebanese, because education services are covered by UNRWA, said the economist, adding, “We wanted to focus on the fact that they are not a burden and that isolating Palestinians in camps is a recipe for violence […] that might lead to similar situations to [the 2007 hostilities in] Nahr al-Bared.”
As such, Chaaban told NOW Lebanon that the research, which he also considers advocacy, showed how the fears of the Lebanese were unfounded because Palestinian demographics have changed over time.
In addition, the issue is not merely about granting rights and subscribing to international treaties but about security, he added.
The investigators wanted to encourage policy makers to create evidence-based policy and provide helpful data for UNRWA and relevant funders, said the study’s project manager, Karen Seyfert.
But although representatives of the Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee, technically part of the Lebanese government, attended Tuesday’s meeting and showed interest, Syefert said she does not believe findings will have any effect at the level of state policy, and Chaaban reckoned that given the current political deadlock, he did not feel very confident either. .
The Palestinian issue remains a topic that is taboo, he said, noting a lagging problem of mutual trust, which dates back to the country’s fiery civil war.
He equally noted the importance of looking at those profiting from the situation. “Everywhere in the country, politicians use the Palestinian issue to make people afraid, […] and to increase their allegiance,” said Chaaban, blaming not only the Lebanese but the Palestinian leadership as well. “A certain passivity in dealing with camp governance, probably linked to having such a polarization in the camps, is indirectly contributing to the legitimacy of the various factions,” he said.
Indeed, according to Nadim Shehade, a fellow at the UK-based think tank Chatham House, interfactional fighting is a problem worth looking into in much more detail;“It’s no news that the situation is bad. For policy makers [and] advocates of Palestinian issues, the crucial question is what are the factors that have an impact on improving the conditions? Is it security? Further legislation? Civil rights?”
Though in a rare vote Palestinians were granted working privileges last summer, rights activists claim the fine print remains ambiguous and that obtaining a work permit is still difficult. Shehade, on the other hand, argued that, practically speaking, the law had little impact on the grounds.
Besides working rights, Palestinians remain deprived of their right to own property, and are limited in their freedom of movement. Many politicians continue to argue that giving them more civil rights could promote their naturalization and thus jeopardize their right to return.
But Seyfert feels that granting Palestinian civil rights does not preclude their desire to return to Palestine. “I think the Lebanese use this as an excuse,” she said, pointing to examples of naturalized Palestinians in Jordan who have not necessarily given up on either their desire or right to go back their homeland.
“UNRWA will continue to advocate together with our partners for the civil rights of Palestinians,” said Lebanon’s director of UNRWA affairs, Salvatore Lombardo.
He told NOW Lebanon that the scientific evidence of Palestinians’ socio economic situation will be a useful tool for advocacy with the Lebanese Government.
But the underlying feeling with regards to state policy remains skepticism. “I don’t know because too many statistics are used by different sides to prove their opinion, and each side will say they have something scientific proving their point,” said Amr Saadeddine, who participated in the research. “Though I consider the research significant, the issue is not statistics, it is how each will use them,” he said, adding that it all boils down to intention.
“Because science has legitimacy, each will hide behind the scientific studies [of their choice].” he said; “Everyone has their own agenda.”
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